By Chibuike Njoku & Ndu Nwokolo
The political landscape in Rivers State has been significantly influenced by the relationship between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his political mentor, former Governor Nyesom Wike. Their dynamic has shaped the governance and political discourse in the state, often leading to conflicts and power struggles. Nyesom Wike, a prominent figure in Rivers State politics, served as governor from 2015 to 2023. His tenure was marked by strong political control and influence over state affairs. Wike played a crucial role in Fubara’s rise to the governorship, positioning him as his preferred successor. Initially, Fubara was seen as Wike’s loyal protégé, and he was expected to continue his mentor’s political legacy and policies.However, tensions began to surface as Fubara sought to establish his authority and independence. A few months after the government of Governor Fubara was sworn in, the tussle for the political and administrative soul of the state resulted in a political debacle between the Political father and son, in which security, political stability, economic and overall development of the state are seriously threatened. In this edition of the Nextier SPD Policy Weekly, we examine the current political impasse in River State and how the political class has conscripted other state institutions, such as the civil service and security agencies, such as the police and the judiciary, into their war.
* When Things Fell Apart: The Key Incidents
Chinua Achebe, one of Africa’s greatest novelists, in his bookThings Fall Apart, talked about the centre being unable to hold; mere anarchy is loosed upon the world when things fall apart.This could describe the current political situation in the state as governance, and the people are at the receiving end of the crisis. We have in the last eight to nine months, witnessed the following: the voluntary resignation of several commissioners from Fubara’s administration, the defection of 27 out of the 32State House of Assembly members from the ruling People’sDemocratic Party, PDP, to the All Progressives Congress, APC.The resignation and defection were a clear demonstration of allegiance to Nyesom Wike. The conflict reached a dramatic peak on October 30, 2023, when the leader of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Hon Edison Ehie, and other lawmakers loyal to Governor Fubara were suspended by the House, as announced by the then and now a factional Speaker Martin Amaewhule. Following this, rumours spread that the Assembly had signed an impeachment notice to remove Governor Fubara from office. In a highly charged atmosphere, Governor Fubarawas captured on video being teargassed and sprayed with water by security operatives as he rushed into the State Assembly to stop his impeachment proceedings. This incident highlighted the intense power struggle and the use of the state security apparatus for political manoeuvres, further complicating the conflict and exposing the fragility of the state’s political stability.
To quell the escalating conflict, President Bola Tinubu brokereda controversial peace deal between Governor Fubara and Nyesom Wike. This peace deal aimed to temporarily halt the hostilities and restore some semblance of order in Rivers State. However, the deal was contentious for several reasons: the peace deal reportedly involved a power-sharing agreement that allowed Wike to retain some influence over state affairs. This arrangement was seen as a compromise to appease Wike and his supporters while attempting to stabilise Fubara’s administration.Both political actors and their camps had to make compromises, which may have included concessions on key appointments and policy directions. Since brokering the peace, many more have even happened as the agreement was ignored by all parties. These included the attempted bombing of the presidential hotel in Port – Harcourt which governor Fubara alleged to be a ploy to create a state of emergency in the state. Series of protests from both camps have also been recorded, with one incident leading to the death of a policeman.
* Manipulation of State Institutions
The current crisis between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his political mentor, Nyesom Wike, vividly illustrates the manipulation of state institutions. Both political actors and their respective camps have been accused of leveraging state institutions to serve their interests, leading to numerous instances of institutional abuse. A notable aspect of the crisis is the reported use of police and other security agencies to intimidate political opponents. This tactic has been employed to maintain power and suppress dissent, undermining these institutions’ neutrality and integrity. The teargassing incident at the State Assembly, where security operatives targeted Governor Fubara, is a prime example of how state machinery is being used for political manoeuvring. Likewise, the suspension of Hon.Edison Ehie and other lawmakers loyal to Governor Fubara by the House of Assembly, as announced by Speaker Martin Amaewhule, is another instance of institutional manipulation. Also, the swift move to allegedly sign an impeachment notice against Governor Fubara highlights the use of legislative power to further political agendas. There have also been allegations of judicial manipulation, where court rulings and legal processes are influenced to favour one political camp over another. This undermines the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary, creating a climate of legal uncertainty and eroding public trust in the justice system.
* Recurrent issues of Godfatherism in Rivers State Politics
The ongoing political class conflict clearly illustrates the pattern of godfatherism in Rivers State, where influential political figures (godfathers) exert control over their protégés (godsons) to maintain power and influence. This dynamic has historically led to power tussles and political crises, with notable conflicts between political leaders such as Peter Odili vs. Chibuike Amaechi and Chibuike Amaechi vs. Nyesom Wike. The current situation between Nyesom Wike and Siminalayi Fubara mirrors these historical conflicts, underscoring the persistent issues of godfatherism in the state. In all three conflicts, the central issue revolves around the godfather’s attempt to control the godson, who eventually seeks independence. Amaechi’s break from Odili, Wike’s break from Amaechi, and Fubara’s break from Wike all follow this pattern. Each conflict has led to political violence and instability, affecting governance and development in Rivers State. The use of state security forces and the judiciary as tools of political manoeuvring is a common thread. Federal support has played a crucial role in these conflicts. Amaechi’s judicial victory, Wike’s federal backing, and the involvement of President Tinubu in brokering a peace deal between Wike and Fubara highlight the significance of federal influence in resolving state-level disputes.
* Implications of Political Class Conflict in River State
The power struggle between Wike and Fubara has led to administrative instability, affecting the implementation of policies and developmental projects. Public services and infrastructure development have also suffered as resources are diverted to support political agendas. The crisis mirrors broader issues in Nigerian politics, where power struggles often lead to institutional decay and governance failures. Also, the manipulation of state institutions, including the legislature and security forces, has raised questions about the integrity and impartiality of these bodies. The politicisation of these institutions undermines public trust and their primary functions.
On the other hand, political instability has potential economic repercussions, deterring investment and slowing economic development. The uncertainty surrounding the state’s political future creates an unfavourable environment for business and growth. The conflict has contributed to social tensions, with communities and political factions divided in loyalties. The public’s faith in the political process is eroded when leaders prioritise personal power over collective welfare.
* Case Study: The Kenyatta-Odinga Conflict in Kenya
A notable case study that parallels the political class conflict in Rivers State is the conflict between former President Uhuru Kenyatta and his political godfather, former Prime Minister Raila Odinga, in Kenya. This case offers valuable insights into the dynamics and implications of political godfatherism and godson relationships. In Kenya, the political landscape has been significantly shaped by the relationship between Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila Odinga. Uhuru Kenyatta, the son of Kenya’s first president, Jomo Kenyatta, has been a prominent figure in Kenyan politics, eventually becoming the President of Kenya. Raila Odinga, son of Kenya’s first Vice President, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, is a key opposition leader and has run for the presidency multiple times.
The alliance between Kenyatta and Odinga, known as the “handshake,” initially aimed to unite the country and foster national reconciliation after the disputed 2017 elections, which led to widespread violence and political instability. However, this alliance gradually soured as political ambitions and control over the succession plan became contentious issues. The primary point of conflict arose over succession planning. Raila Odinga expected Kenyatta’s support for his presidential bid in the 2022 elections following their agreement to work together. However, Kenyatta’s endorsement of his deputy, William Ruto, for the presidency created friction. Odinga and his supporters saw this move as a betrayal. Kenyatta and Odinga were accused of manipulating state institutions to advance their political agendas. This included leveraging the judiciary, police, and electoral bodies to suppress opposition or bolster their political influence.
* Synthesising Lessons from Earlier Experiences and Recommendations for Rivers State
The struggle for power between Wike and Fubara highlights how political godfatherism can destabilise governance. The manipulation of state institutions for personal and political gain undermines democratic processes and erodes public trust. The conflict underscores the critical importance of having strong, independent institutions that are resilient to political pressures. The judiciary, law enforcement agencies, and electoral bodies must operate without undue influence to maintain their integrity and uphold the rule of law. The turmoil surrounding succession highlights the need for clear and transparent succession planning within political parties and government structures. Ensuring that transparent and merit-based succession processes can help prevent conflicts and promote stability. Based on the above insights, we recommend that Rivers State consider the following:
i. Judiciary Reforms: Ensure the judiciary is insulated from political influence by implementing measures to ensure the judiciary’s independence, including establishing clear guidelines for the appointment and secure tenure for judges and mechanisms to prevent political interference in judicial processes.
ii. Electoral Commission Independence: Strengthen the independence of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) by securing its funding through a statutory allocation. Implement transparent processes for appointing commissioners and enhance oversight mechanisms to ensure impartiality.
iii. Party Internal Democracy: Encourage political parties to adopt internal democratic practices when selecting candidates. This includes conducting free and fair primary elections and promoting intra-party dialogue and conflict resolution mechanisms.
iv. Legal Framework: Establish legal frameworks that mandate political parties publicly disclose their succession plans and processes. This transparency will reduce the manipulation of succession for personal gain.
v. Anti-Corruption Measures: Strengthen anti-corruption agencies by providing adequate resources and autonomy. Implement robust mechanisms for tracking and auditing government expenditures and prosecuting corrupt officials.
vi. Civil Society Engagement: Encourage active participation of civil society organisations in monitoring government activities. Facilitate platforms for citizens to report corruption and maladministration.
Policy Recommendations
1. There is a need to ensure the judiciary is insulated from political influence by implementing measures to ensure the judiciary’s independence.
2. There is a need to strengthen the independence of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) by securing its funding through a statutory allocation.
3. It is necessary to encourage political parties to adopt internal democratic practices when selecting candidates.
4. It is important to establish legal frameworks that mandate political parties publicly disclose their succession plans and processes.
5. There is a need to strengthen anti-corruption agencies by providing adequate resources and autonomy.
6. It is crucial to encourage the active participation of civil society organisations in monitoring government activities.
* Conclusion
The political class conflict in Rivers State, epitomised by the conflict between Nyesom Wike and Siminalayi Fubara, underscores the deep-seated issues within Nigerian politics. The manipulation of the law, police, and judiciary by these actors reveals a broader pattern of institutional exploitation for political supremacy. The ongoing power tussle has destabilised Rivers State and highlights the fragility of democratic governance in Nigeria. Addressing these challenges requires a concerted effort to strengthen state institutions, promote transparency, and ensure that political actors are held accountable for their actions.
(Dr. Chibuike Njoku is an Associate Consultant at Nextier, a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of Advance Studies, Ile-Ife, and a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute Francais De Recherche en Afrique (IFRA-Nigeria); while Dr. Ndu Nwokolo is a Managing Partner at Nextier and an Honorary Fellow at the School of Government at the University of Birmingham, UK, as well as a Visiting Research Fellow at the Nathanson Centre on Transnational Human Rights, Crime, and Security at York University Canada)
