Opinion

Another Oil Boom, But for Whom?

By Lemmy Ughegbe, Ph.D

Fifty billion dollars is the kind of figure that commands attention. Converted into naira, it becomes almost unimaginable to the average Nigerian. So when President Bola Ahmed Tinubu approved a new fiscal and regulatory framework that his government says could unlock as much as $50 billion in deepwater oil and gas investments, there was understandable reason for optimism. Nigeria needs investment, foreign exchange, increased production, jobs and revenue, and after years in which regulatory uncertainty and high project costs discouraged investment in the upstream sector, any serious attempt to make Nigeria competitive again deserves consideration.

But there is another question, perhaps the more important one. If $50 billion eventually comes, what will Nigerians get from it? That question should be asked before the celebrations begin.

Nigeria has been an oil producing nation for nearly seven decades, since crude was discovered at Oloibiri in 1956, and hundreds of billions of dollars have flowed from its petroleum resources since. Yet travel through the communities where that wealth originates and the contradiction is hard to ignore: poverty beside pipelines, unemployment beside installations, communities without hospitals, schools, roads or potable water beside an industry that has generated extraordinary wealth. This is the paradox Nigeria must not reproduce.

The new framework has a legitimate economic rationale. Government wants to replace cumbersome project specific negotiations with a clearer, rules based system, and that matters, because capital dislikes uncertainty, and Nigeria has lost investment opportunities partly because other jurisdictions became easier or more predictable. Government therefore has every reason to make Nigeria competitive. But competitiveness must never become another word for surrendering national value. There is a difference between attracting investment and merely accommodating investors, and Nigeria must do the former without the latter.

The framework reportedly provides that qualifying projects should prioritise local execution, creating jobs and strengthening domestic supply chains. That is encouraging, but Nigerians have heard similar promises before, and the real test will be implementation: how much engineering, fabrication and technology transfer will actually flow to Nigerian companies, and how many indigenous firms will compete internationally? These questions are not hostile to foreign investment; they are the questions any serious resource owning nation should ask. Natural resources belong to the country in which they are found, and their exploitation must create commensurate value for the people. That is the bargain.

Nigeria’s history with oil makes this conversation important. Oil made Nigeria wealthy without necessarily making Nigerians wealthy. It expanded government revenues without transforming the productive capacity of the economy, financing infrastructure and employment while encouraging dependence. Agriculture suffered, manufacturing remained weak, government grew excessively dependent upon petroleum revenues, and politics became a struggle over the distribution of oil wealth.

The lesson should not be that oil is a curse. Oil is not a curse; bad governance is. Natural resources are neither inherently developmental nor destructive; what matters is what nations do with them. Norway converted much of its oil proceeds into enduring national wealth, and the United Arab Emirates used petroleum revenues to diversify into aviation, tourism, logistics, finance and technology. Nigeria must pursue the same objective.

Another oil investment cycle should therefore not merely increase the number of barrels exported. It should increase Nigeria’s productive capacity. Every major project should be assessed not only by how much crude it produces but by how much domestic value it creates: infrastructure, skills, stronger Nigerian businesses, jobs, and a gradual transition towards an economy eventually less dependent upon oil.

That matters, because the world is changing. The energy transition may not eliminate oil tomorrow, but it is steadily altering the economics of hydrocarbons, as electric vehicles expand and renewable energy grows. Nigeria therefore has a limited window within which to extract maximum developmental value from its petroleum resources. That makes speed important, but it also makes wisdom indispensable: we should not leave oil underground while competitors develop theirs, but urgency should not excuse deals that transfer disproportionate benefits away from Nigeria.

There is also the matter of transparency. If government is offering incentives to attract billions in investment, Nigerians should know what those incentives cost, what revenue is being foregone, and what benchmarks will establish whether they succeeded. Every tax remission represents public revenue surrendered today in expectation of greater value tomorrow, and that trade off should be measurable. If concessions merely increase corporate profitability without national benefit, Nigerians would be entitled to ask harder questions.

This is where strong institutions become indispensable. The Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission must regulate professionally, the Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board must ensure local content obligations produce genuine Nigerian participation rather than paper compliance, and NNPC Limited must protect Nigeria’s commercial interests. The environmental dimension cannot be ignored either. Nigeria’s oil producing communities have paid an enormous price in decades of spills, gas flaring and degradation that money alone cannot erase, and a new generation of offshore investment must operate under stronger environmental standards. Economic development that destroys communities is not development.

The $50 billion figure is therefore exciting, but the figure itself should not become the story. The story should be what that investment leaves behind. When the rigs eventually leave, what remains: skilled Nigerians, globally competitive indigenous companies, modern infrastructure, stronger communities, technology, a more diversified economy? Or merely another generation of impressive production figures accompanied by familiar poverty? That is the choice.

President Tinubu’s effort to restore Nigeria’s competitiveness in deepwater oil deserves a fair chance. If clearer rules, fiscal certainty and improved regulation unlock projects that have remained dormant for years, the economy stands to benefit significantly. But investment must never become an end in itself; it is a means, and the ultimate objective is development. Nigeria has already experienced an oil boom, indeed several, but has not sufficiently experienced the transformation that such wealth should have produced. That is why this moment must be different.

If another $50 billion is coming into Nigerian oil and gas, let it produce more than barrels. Let it produce Nigerian engineers, Nigerian businesses, Nigerian technology, Nigerian jobs, better communities and stronger public finances, an economy increasingly capable of surviving the day when oil no longer occupies the place it does today. Otherwise, years from now, Nigerians may look back at another impressive oil boom and ask the same question generations before them have asked: all that wealth came from beneath our soil, what exactly did it leave behind?

Dr Lemmy Ughegbe, FIMC, CMC
Email: lemmyughegbeofficial@gmail.com
WhatsApp ONLY: +2348069716645

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